In the annals of South Asian history, few moments rival the audacity of Indira Gandhi’s 1971 masterstroke. Facing a genocidal crackdown in East Pakistan, India didn’t just defend its borders—it dismantled them. With surgical precision, Indian forces, backed by Mukti Bahini guerrillas, carved out Bangladesh from the bleeding corpse of a fractured Pakistan. Over 90,000 Pakistani troops surrendered, and a nation was born amid the ruins of Islamabad’s imperial delusions.
Today, as Pakistan teeters on the brink of collapse—plagued by economic freefall, terrorism, and internal fissures—India stands at a similar crossroads.
The question isn’t if India can replicate 1971 by championing Balochistan’s independence; it’s why it hasn’t already. By supporting the Baloch people’s rightful secession, India could eviscerate Pakistan’s terror-exporting apparatus, disrupt China’s predatory Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and affirm the global principle of self-determination.
Yet, under the current dispensation, New Delhi’s timidity risks squandering this historic opportunity. I argue that India must seize the moment to “silence Pakistan once and for all,” exposing Islamabad’s hypocrisy, amplifying Baloch grievances, and critiquing the gutless politics holding India back.
The Baloch Cauldron: A Century of Betrayal and Blood
Balochistan, Pakistan’s vast, resource-rich southwestern province spanning 347,190 square kilometers—44% of the country’s landmass but home to just 5% of its population—has been a simmering cauldron of resentment since Pakistan’s forcible annexation in 1948.
The Baloch, an ancient ethnic group with a distinct language, culture, and nomadic heritage, never consented to Islamabad’s clutches. Their first uprising erupted mere months after partition, when Baloch ruler Ahmad Yar Khan declared independence, only to be crushed by Pakistani troops. This set the stage for five major insurgencies: 1948, 1958-59, 1963-69, 1973-77, and the ongoing one since 2004.
Why the visceral hatred?
Baloch grievances are rooted in systemic plunder and brutality. Despite harboring 40% of Pakistan’s natural gas reserves, 28% of its oil, and vast deposits of copper, gold, and coal, Balochistan remains Pakistan’s poorest province. Per capita income hovers at a dismal $1,200 annually, compared to Punjab’s $3,500. The Sui gas field, discovered in 1952, pipes fuel to Punjab’s industries while Baloch villages endure blackouts and pay inflated bills.
Royalties? A paltry 12.5%, funneled into Islamabad’s coffers rather than local development. Politically marginalized, Baloch representation in Pakistan’s federal parliament is tokenistic—fewer than 20 seats for 14 million people—while Punjabi-dominated security forces enforce a colonial stranglehold.
The disdain manifests in raw, unrelenting violence.
The Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), designated a terrorist group by Pakistan but hailed as freedom fighters by locals, has escalated attacks since 2025, hijacking trains like the Jaffar Express and targeting Chinese engineers on the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).
In 2024 alone, the BLA claimed 15 major operations, killing over 50 security personnel. But the real horror is the state’s response: a “kill and dump” policy of enforced disappearances. Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International document over 5,000 cases since 2010, with 2024 seeing 84 abductions and 33 extrajudicial killings in the first half.
Families march in Quetta’s “long march” protests, clutching photos of the vanished, as the Pakistan Army’s Frontier Corps operates with impunity. As Baloch activist Naela Quadri Baloch declared in 2016, “Pakistan is an occupying force; we are a nation under siege.” This isn’t mere dislike—it’s a primal loathing forged in the fires of exploitation and extermination.
Meddling Militants and ISI’s Dirty Hands
If India supporting Baloch self-determination is “interference,” then Pakistan’s decades-long sabotage of Indian unity is a masterclass in geopolitical chutzpah. The Khalistan movement, seeking a Sikh homeland in Punjab, owes its violent longevity to Islamabad’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). From the 1980s onward, Pakistan weaponized Sikh separatism as retaliation for India’s 1971 humiliation, funneling arms, training, and funds to militants.
The South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) records over 20,000 deaths from Khalistani violence between 1981 and 1993, with ISI-orchestrated attacks peaking post-Operation Blue Star in 1984. ISI camps in Pakistan’s border regions trained over 5,000 Sikh fighters, smuggling them AK-47s and RDX via Lahore’s safe houses.
The 1985 Air India Flight 182 bombing—killing 329—was linked to Canada-based Khalistanis backed by Pakistani handlers, as per India’s National Investigation Agency (NIA) dossiers.
Quotes from the horse’s mouth seal the indictment. Lt. Gen. Hamid Gul, ISI chief from 1987-1989, boasted in a 2004 interview: “We trained the Khalistanis just like we trained the mujahideen against the Soviets.” His successor, Lt. Gen. Javed Nasir, admitted in a 1995 court deposition to arming Babbar Khalsa extremists, responsible for the 1991 assassination attempt on India’s Chief of Army Staff.
Even in the 2020s, ISI shadows linger: U.S. intelligence reports from 2021 highlight Pakistan’s support for Khalistani activism in diaspora hubs like California and Vancouver, where pro-Pakistan lobbies fund “Referendum 2020” campaigns. As Canadian journalist Terry Milewski noted in 2023, “Pakistan has been the lifeline for Khalistan since day one, a proxy war without end.”
This duplicity isn’t abstract—it’s arithmetic. While Pakistan decries Indian “meddling” in Balochistan, its ISI has engineered over 40 cross-border incursions into Punjab since 2015, per Indian Army data.
Hypocrisy? It’s the oxygen Pakistan breathes. India aiding Baloch insurgents would be poetic justice: an eye for a bloody eye.
India’s Stake: Strategic Goldmine and Checkmate to Beijing
For India, Balochistan isn’t a peripheral quagmire—it’s a strategic jackpot. Controlling the Makran coast and bordering Iran and Afghanistan, it guards the Arabian Sea’s chokepoints. Gwadar Port, once offered to India by Oman in the 1950s (Nehru’s shortsighted rejection still stings), now anchors CPEC: a $62 billion Chinese lifeline snaking 3,000 kilometers through Gilgit-Baltistan into Xinjiang. Beijing’s investment—$1.6 billion in Gwadar alone—transforms it into a PLA Navy outpost, encircling India’s Andaman bases and threatening energy imports (80% of India’s oil sails past here).
A free Balochistan disrupts this “String of Pearls.” BLA attacks have already delayed CPEC by 20%, killing 12 Chinese workers in 2024. India could funnel covert aid—intelligence, arms, training—mirroring 1971’s playbook, while publicly championing human rights. Economically, an independent Balochistan offers untapped markets: $10 billion in untapped gas exports to India via a revived Iran-Pakistan-India pipeline. Geopolitically, it isolates Pakistan, forcing concessions on Kashmir and terrorism. As the New York Times observed in 2025, “Baloch nationalism is India’s soft underbelly against hardline Islamabad.” Ignoring this is strategic malpractice.
Enter the elephant in the room: why hasn’t India acted?
Indira Gandhi had “balls of steel”—decisive, ruthless, unapologetic. She trained 10,000 Mukti Bahini fighters and ignored U.S. threats, birthing a nation that humbled Pakistan. Contrast that with Narendra Modi’s dispensation: a decade of bombast sans bite. Modi’s 2016 Independence Day nod to Balochistan—”I got thanks from Baloch people”—was a thunderclap, riling Islamabad and fueling theories of RAW ops. Yet, it fizzled into rhetoric. No arms drops, no UN resolutions, no asylum for Baloch exiles beyond lip service.
This timidity stems from a risk-averse cabal: MEA mandarins terrified of nuclear saber-rattling, a BJP brass more obsessed with domestic photo-ops than foreign policy firepower, and an economy too fragile for escalation.
Data underscores the paralysis: Indian aid to Baloch groups peaked at $10 million in 2016 (per Pakistani claims, unverified but indicative), but dwindled to whispers by 2020 amid COVID and China border clashes. Modi’s “neighborhood first” devolves into appeasement—ceasefires with Pakistan in 2021, only for ISI to ramp up Khalistani funding. It’s gutless: fearing “red lines” while Pakistan crosses India’s daily. As The Hindu critiqued in 2016, this “policy shift” was performative, lacking the spine for real rupture. Indira would scoff; today’s Delhi dithers, letting Pakistan’s cancer metastasize.
Self-Determination’s Imperative: Balochistan as the Next Kosovo?
Recognizing Balochistan isn’t optional—it’s a moral and legal lodestar. The UN Charter’s Article 1 enshrines self-determination as a jus cogens norm: “All peoples have the right to freely determine… their political status.” From East Timor to South Sudan, the world has affirmed it against colonial yokes. Balochistan fits: an occupied ethnos, per UNPO observers, enduring “genocidal policies” akin to pre-1971 Bengal.
India’s endorsement—via UN votes or G20 advocacy—would galvanize this journey. It signals to Kurds, Uyghurs, and Tibetans that self-determination trumps sovereignty’s facade. As Baloch leader Hyrbyair Marri urged in a 2024 UNHRC submission, “Our struggle is universal; ignore it, and tyranny endures.” For India, it’s legacy: from non-aligned pioneer to self-determination champion, silencing Pakistan’s howls forever.
India stands at 1971’s echo: a weakened foe, a righteous cause, a subcontinent’s future in the balance. By midwife-ing Balochistan’s birth, India doesn’t just avenge Khalistani ghosts or thwart CPEC—it redefines power. The current regime’s ball-less bluster must yield to Indira’s iron will. Self-determination demands it; history beckons.
Silence Pakistan? Not with whispers—with a roar.
Views of the author are personal and do not necessarily represent the website’s views.
Dr. Jaimine Vaishnav is a faculty of geopolitics and world economy and other liberal arts subjects, a researcher with publications in SCI and ABDC journals, and an author of 6 books specializing in informal economies, mass media, and street entrepreneurship. With over a decade of experience as an academic and options trader, he is keen on bridging the grassroots business practices with global economic thought. His work emphasizes resilience, innovation, and human action in everyday human life. He can be contacted on jaiminism@hotmail.co.in for further communication.
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