State Congress President Shubhankar Sarkar declared that the party will organise a “Shahid Minar Chalo” (March to Shahid Minar) rally on July 21, 2026, to commemorate the martyrs of the July 21, 1993 movement.

Sarkar stated that the programme is aimed not only at paying tribute to those who lost their lives in the struggle to protect democracy and constitutional rights, but also at reaffirming the Congress party’s commitment to safeguarding the Constitution, addressing youth concerns, supporting the working class, and protesting against rising prices and unemployment.

Demand for ‘Manish Gupta File’ intensifies

Referring to the police firing on a Youth Congress rally on July 21, 1993—led by then Youth Congress leader Mamata Banerjee—Sarkar demanded the immediate release of the “Manish Gupta file.”

He noted that Manish Gupta, who was the Home Secretary of West Bengal at the time, played a crucial administrative role during the incident.

“The people of West Bengal have the right to know the truth behind the events, the administrative decisions taken, and the circumstances that led to the police firing. In the interest of transparency and accountability, the Manish Gupta file must be made public without delay,” Sarkar asserted.

Organisational preparations underway

To ensure the smooth execution of the programme, veteran Congress leader and former West Bengal Youth Congress President Amitabha Chakraborty has been appointed as the chief convener. A full-fledged organising committee is expected to be formed under his leadership in the coming days.

Meanwhile, All India Congress Committee General Secretary (Organisation) K.C. Venugopal is scheduled to visit Kolkata on June 29 and 30. During his visit, he will hold a series of organisational review meetings with state leadership aimed at strengthening the party’s structure and strategy in West Bengal.

TMC to hold parallel rally

Former Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has also announced that the TMC will organise its rally on the same day, setting the stage for parallel political mobilisation on July 21.

The Congress move comes at a time when the state’s political landscape appears to be shifting. July 21, long associated with the TMC, is now witnessing renewed contestation, potentially turning the day into a significant political battleground in West Bengal.

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सांप्रदायिक ताकतों के खिलाफ गठबंधन

MDMK ने पहले DMK के साथ मिलकर सांप्रदायिक ताकतों के खिलाफ खड़े होने की कोशिश की थी। लेकिन अब पार्टी ने स्पष्ट किया है कि वह इस गठबंधन में रहकर अपनी स्वतंत्र राजनीतिक पहचान को कमजोर नहीं होने देना चाहती। पार्टी का मानना है कि पिछले कुछ समय में उसके राजनीतिक अस्तित्व को चुनौती दी जा रही थी।

चुनाव की हार और गठबंधन का टूटना

हालिया विधानसभा चुनाव में DMK की हार के बाद MDMK ने यह कदम उठाया है। DMK और उसके सहयोगियों ने चुनाव में उम्मीद के अनुसार प्रदर्शन नहीं किया। MDMK ने कहा कि 32 साल की राजनीतिक यात्रा के बावजूद, उन्हें अपने वैचारिक सिद्धांतों से समझौता करते हुए देखा गया। इस चुनाव में एक बड़े बदलाव की आवश्यकता थी, जिसे MDMK ने समझा।

AIADMK के साथ गठबंधन की कोशिशें

MDMK ने SPA पर आरोप लगाया है कि उसने AIADMK को सत्ता में लाने की कोशिश की, जिससे उसकी अपनी विचारधारा कमजोर हुई। पार्टी ने यह भी कहा कि ऐसे प्रयासों से सेक्युलर प्रोग्रेसिव अलायंस (SPA) के मूल सिद्धांतों पर दाग लगा। MDMK ने कहा कि इस तरह के कदम उठाकर DMK ने अपने समर्थन घटाए हैं।

राजनीतिक पहचान की परीक्षा

MDMK ने अपने प्रस्ताव में यह भी उल्लेख किया कि वे DMK के नेतृत्व वाले गठबंधन में शामिल होने के पीछे एक विचारधारा थी, जो तमिलनाडु में सांप्रदायिक ताकतों को पांव फैलाने से रोकने के लिए संकल्पित थी। लेकिन अब यह स्पष्ट है कि संबंध कमजोर हो गए हैं और MDMK की स्वतंत्र राजनीतिक पहचान को बचाना जरूरी है।

नई दिशा की तलाश

MDMK ने अपने प्रस्ताव में यह भी कहा कि अब समय आ गया है कि वे अपनी राजनीतिक दिशा पर विचार करें। MDMK ने भविष्य की राजनीति के लिए खुद को तैयार करने का संकल्प किया है। वे चाहते हैं कि उनकी आवाज सुनी जाए और तमिलनाडु की राजनीति में उनकी स्वतंत्रता सुनिश्चित की जाए।

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यवतमाल दौरे के दौरान उद्धव ठाकरे ने बागी सांसदों और विधायकों पर सीधा हमला बोलते हुए कहा है कि विश्वासघात का कारण उन्हीं गद्दारों से पूछा जाना चाहिए। शिवसेना (यूबीटी) प्रमुख ने साफ किया कि उन्होंने सभी को सब कुछ दिया, फिर भी उन्होंने पीठ में छुरा घोंपा।

यवतमाल दौरे में बागियों पर बरसे ठाकरे

शिवसेना (UBT) के प्रमुख उद्धव ठाकरे ने हाल ही में यवतमाल दौरे के दौरान बागी नेताओं और भारतीय जनता पार्टी (बीजेपी) पर जमकर हमले किए। ठाकरे ने कहा कि बागियों के जाने के बावजूद उनकी पार्टी आज भी मजबूत बनी हुई है। उन्होंने बीजेपी पर लोकतांत्रिक मूल्यों को कमजोर करने का आरोप लगाते हुए कहा कि पार्टी ने हिंदुत्व के साथ विश्वासघात किया है।

बागियों की दागदार छवि पर सवाल

ठाकरे ने अपने कार्यकर्ताओं को संबोधित करते हुए कहा, “असली शिवसैनिक आज भी हमारे साथ हैं।” उन्होंने बागी सांसदों को आड़े हाथों लेते हुए कहा कि यह शर्म की बात है कि ये नेता इतने लंबे समय तक पार्टी के साथ रहे। उन्हें यह भी बताया गया कि विधायक भले ही चले गए हों, लेकिन शिवसेना की ताकत कम नहीं हुई है। उन्होंने कहा कि पार्टी ने लोकसभा चुनाव में 9 सांसद जीते हैं।

उद्धव का सवाल

ठाकरे ने बागी नेताओं पर आरोप लगाया कि वे लोकसभा चुनाव में जीत के लिए उनके प्रचार और जन समर्थन का लाभ उठाकर अब खुद को अलग कर रहे हैं। उन्होंने कहा, “ये सांसद केवल मेरे कहने पर चुने गए थे। अब इनमें इतनी हिम्मत आ गई है कि वे कहते हैं क्षेत्र का दौरा करना बेकार है।”

जनता की अदालत से अपील

ठाकरे ने जनता से अपील की कि वे बागियों से खुद पूछें कि इतनी सुख-सुविधाएं और सम्मान मिलने के बाद भी उन्होंने पार्टी के साथ धोखा क्यों किया। उन्होंने कहा कि अब इस विश्वासघात का फैसला अदालत के बजाय सीधे जनता की अदालत (चुनाव) में होगा। ठाकरे ने बागियों को चुनौती दी कि वे खुद के दम पर वोट मांगकर दिखाएं, न कि बाल ठाकरे के नाम और शिवसेना के चुनाव चिह्न का इस्तेमाल करके।

बीजेपी पर बेबाकी से हमला

उद्धव ठाकरे ने बीजेपी को भी नहीं बख्शा और कहा कि वे राम को बीजेपी-मुक्त करना चाहते हैं। उन्होंने राम मंदिर में चढ़ावे में हुई कथित चोरी का जिक्र करते हुए कहा कि बीजेपी ने हिंदुत्व के सिद्धांतों के साथ विश्वासघात किया है। ठाकरे ने कहा कि जब राम मंदिर का निर्माण हो रहा था, तब शिवसेना ने ईंटें दान की थीं, और अब मंदिर में हुई चोरी की बातें सामने आ रही हैं।

राजनीतिक सवालों का उठाना

उद्धव ठाकरे ने यह भी कहा कि विकास निधि किसी एक पार्टी की जागीर नहीं है बल्कि यह जनता का पैसा है। यह गंभीर सवाल उठाते हुए उन्होंने कहा, “क्या बीजेपी की सदस्यता अब नागरिकता मानी जाएगी?” और पूछा, “क्या बीजेपी पाकिस्तान जनता पार्टी बन गई है?”

यवतमाल दौरे के अन्य प्रमुख बयान

ठाकरे ने अपनी जनसभा में बागी सांसदों के साथ-साथ भारतीय जनता पार्टी (BJP) पर भी तीखा हमला बोला। ठाकरे ने भावुक होते हुए कहा कि जिन लोगों ने ‘आई’ (मां) की शपथ लेकर गद्दारी की है, उन्हें जनता कभी माफ नहीं करेगी। उन्होंने कहा कि ये सभी बागी सांसद लोकसभा चुनाव केवल मेरे प्रचार और जनता के मेरे प्रति विश्वास के दम पर ही जीते थे।

गद्दारों के साथ रहने पर शर्म

उद्धव ने कहा, “सच्चे शिवसैनिक आज भी मेरे साथ मजबूती से खड़े हैं। मुझे शर्म आती है कि ये गद्दार इतने लंबे समय तक हमारे साथ रहे”। BJP पर निशाना साधते हुए उन्होंने आरोप लगाया कि बीजेपी ने पूरे देश में खरीद-फरोख्त और दलबदल की राजनीति शुरू कर दी है।

किसानों का मुद्दा और उनकी उपेक्षा

किसानों के मुद्दे पर बोलते हुए ठाकरे ने कहा कि जब वह मुख्यमंत्री थे, तब उन्होंने किसानों के लिए कर्ज माफी की थी और आज भी किसानों के हितों के लिए लड़ाई जारी रखेंगे। उन्होंने यह भी आरोप लगाया कि आज किसानों को न्यूनतम समर्थन मूल्य (MSP) की गारंटी नहीं मिल रही है, जबकि बागी सांसद अपनी सीट को पक्का समझकर बैठे हैं।

शिंदे गुट और बागी सांसद संजय देशमुख की प्रतिक्रिया

हाल ही में शिवसेना (यूबीटी) छोड़कर मुख्यमंत्री एकनाथ शिंदे के खेमे में शामिल हुए स्थानीय सांसद संजय उत्तमराव देशमुख और शिंदे गुट ने इन आरोपों का कड़ा जवाब दिया। बागी सांसद संजय देशमुख ने कहा, “हमारे क्षेत्र के कई विकास कार्य और शकुंतला ब्रॉड गेज जैसी परियोजनाएं अटकी हुई थीं। सत्ता में न होने के कारण किसान आत्महत्या कर रहे थे और जनता में भारी असंतोष था”

।ED-CBI का कोई दबाव नहीं

उन्होंने साफ किया कि वे किसी केंद्रीय एजेंसी के दबाव में नहीं, बल्कि केवल अपने निर्वाचन क्षेत्र के विकास के लिए एकनाथ शिंदे के नेतृत्व में शामिल हुए हैं। दलबदल के बाद सीएम एकनाथ शिंदे ने तंज कसते हुए कहा कि विपक्ष अपना मानसिक संतुलन खो चुका है और वे केवल विधायी समय बर्बाद कर रहे हैं।

आगामी चुनावों पर प्रभाव

6 सांसदों के पाला बदलने और ठाकरे के इस आक्रामक दौरे का महाराष्ट्र की राजनीति पर गहरा असर पड़ने वाला है। बागी सांसद अकेले नहीं गए हैं, वे अपने साथ बूथ अध्यक्षों, स्थानीय समितियों और जमीनी कार्यकर्ताओं को भी ले गए हैं। ठाकरे को इन क्षेत्रों में संगठन शून्य से दोबारा खड़ा करना होगा। उद्धव ठाकरे इन दौरों के जरिए जनता के बीच एक बार फिर ‘सहानुभूति की लहर’ (Sympathy Wave) पैदा करने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं। देखना होगा कि जनता विकास (सत्ता) को चुनती है या वफादारी को।

MVA गठबंधन में कद

इस बड़ी टूट के बाद महाविकास अघाड़ी (MVA) में शिवसेना (UBT) की मोलतोल करने की ताकत कमजोर हो सकती है। ठाकरे को सहयोगियों (कांग्रेस और NCP) के सामने साबित करना होगा कि उनका वोट बैंक अभी भी बरकरार है। 6 सांसदों के आने से लोकसभा में शिंदे गुट की ताकत बढ़कर 13 सीटों पर पहुंच गई है, जिससे आगामी विधानसभा चुनावों के लिए महायुति (NDA) गठबंधन में उनका पलड़ा भारी रहेगा।

साथी नेताओं की उपस्थिती

यवतमाल दौरे के दौरान उद्धव ठाकरे के साथ वरिष्ठ नेता अनिल देसाई और अरविंद सावंत भी मौजूद थे। उन्होंने बागी सांसदों के पाला बदलने पर सवाल उठाते हुए कहा, “हमें कोई अन्या नहीं हुआ था, फिर क्यों पार्टी छोड़ने की जरूरत पड़ी?” सावंत ने यह भी कहा कि ये सांसद बिकाऊ और भ्रष्ट हैं, और उन्होंने मीडिया द्वारा उजागर की गई खामियों के विरुद्ध आवाज उठाई।

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पूर्व राष्ट्रपति प्रणब मुखर्जी की बेटी और कांग्रेस की पूर्व नेता शर्मिष्ठा मुखर्जी ने अपने एक हालिया लेख में प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी को लेकर बड़ा बयान दिया है। उन्होंने लिखा है, “आप मोदी से नफरत कर सकते हैं या प्यार, लेकिन आप ‘ब्रांड मोदी’ को नजरअंदाज नहीं कर सकते।”

पूर्व राष्ट्रपति की बेटी का दिलचस्प बयान

पूर्व राष्ट्रपति प्रणब मुखर्जी की बेटी शर्मिष्ठा मुखर्जी ने हाल ही में एक महत्वपूर्ण बयान दिया। उन्होंने कहा कि आप प्रधानमंत्री मोदी से कितना भी प्यार करें या नफरत, लेकिन आप ब्रांड मोदी को कभी नजरअंदाज नहीं कर सकते। यह बातें उन्होंने अपनी किताब “Pranab, My Father: A Daughter Remembers” के प्रमोशन के दौरान कहीं। शर्मिष्ठा ने बताया कि कैसे उनके पिता और पीएम मोदी के बीच राजनीतिक मतभेद होते हुए भी अच्छे संबंध थे।

2014 का चुनाव और Modi का विश्लेषण

शर्मिष्ठा ने याद दिलाया कि 2014 लोकसभा चुनाव के नतीजों के बाद, पीएम मोदी राष्ट्रपति भवन में उनके पिता से मिलने आए थे। इस दौरान, प्रणब मुखर्जी ने मोदी से चुनाव के परिणामों पर उनके विचार पूछे थे। पीएम मोदी ने बताया कि तीन दशकों में किसी राजनीतिक पार्टी को पूर्ण बहुमत मिला, जिस पर प्रणब मुखर्जी ने सवाल किया, “और क्या?” इस पर मोदी चुप रहे, जिसके बाद प्रणब मुखर्जी ने बताया कि यह चुनाव ऐतिहासिक था क्योंकि पीएम पद के उम्मीदवार के तौर पर नया चेहरा सामने आया था।

भाजपा का पर्याय बने मोदी

उन्होंने पश्चिम बंगाल विधानसभा चुनाव का उदाहरण देते हुए कहा कि जब उन्होंने अपने परिचितों से पूछा कि वे किसे वोट दे रहे हैं, तो सबने सिर्फ “मोदी” का नाम लिया, भले ही वह विधानसभा चुनाव में खुद उम्मीदवार नहीं थे और बीजेपी का कोई और उम्मीदवार चुनावी मैदान में था।

सच्चे लोकतंत्र की पहचान

शर्मिष्ठा का कहना है कि उनके पिता प्रणब मुखर्जी, जो उस समय भारत के 13वें राष्ट्रपति थे, ने पीएम मोदी के साथ राजनीतिक मतभेदों के बावजूद अच्छे संबंध बनाए रखे थे। उन्होंने इसे “सच्चे लोकतंत्र की पहचान” कहा। उनका मानना था कि भारतीय जनता पार्टी को मिला भारी जनादेश सिर्फ पार्टी का नहीं, बल्कि यह मोदी के लिए “सीधा जनादेश” था।

भविष्य के चुनावों से तुलना

शर्मिष्ठा ने आगे बताया कि दूसरे चुनावों की तरह जहां पीएम पद का चेहरा कुछ समय बाद घोषित किया जाता है, 2014 में मोदी का नाम पहले से ही स्पष्ट था। यह चुनाव प्रक्रिया में एक अनोखा बदलाव था। शर्मिष्ठा ने बताया कि उनके दिवंगत पिता प्रणब मुखर्जी मानते थे कि नरेंद्र मोदी देश के पहले ऐसे प्रधानमंत्री हैं जिन्हें पीएम पद के उम्मीदवार के रूप में जनता से सीधे तौर पर भारी जनादेश मिला है। उनसे पहले के प्रधानमंत्रियों को या तो उनकी पार्टी चुनती थी या वे चुनाव के बाद गठबंधन के समीकरणों से बनते थे।

गठबंधन की मजबूरियों से मुक्त सरकार

उन्होंने पीएम मोदी को आजादी के बाद का सबसे मजबूत नेता बताते हुए कहा कि उन्होंने बिना किसी गठबंधन के ब्लैकमेल या दबाव के एक स्थिर सरकार दी है। शर्मिष्ठा के मुताबिक, लोकतंत्र में नीतियों या कार्यशैली पर मतभेद होना सामान्य है, लेकिन कोई भी पीएम मोदी के करिश्मे और भारतीय मतदाताओं के साथ उनके सीधे जुड़ाव और जुड़ाव को नकार नहीं सकता।

मोदी का संसद में प्रणाम

शर्मिष्ठा ने एक अन्य महत्वपूर्ण पल साझा किया, जब 2014 की जीत के बाद पीएम मोदी पहली बार संसद में पहुंचे। उन्होंने बताया कि उस समय मोदी ने संसद की सीढ़ियों पर झुककर प्रणाम किया था। प्रणब मुखर्जी के अनुसार, यह “एक अभूतपूर्व घटना” थी, जहां मोदी ने अपनी भावनाएं व्यक्त कीं और इस इशारे ने करोड़ों भारतीयों का दिल जीत लिया।

बीजेपी की जीत का मकसद

शर्मिष्ठा ने बीजेपी की जीत को पार्टी के जमीनी स्तर पर लोगों से जुड़ाव, विभिन्न जातियों और समुदायों तक पहुँचने और गलतियों को पहचानने तथा सुधार की इच्छा का परिणाम बताया। उनका मानना है कि मोदी का चेहरा बीजेपी का सबसे मजबूत ट्रंप कार्ड है।

बयानों पर राजनीतिक प्रतिक्रियाएं

भाजपा नेताओं और समर्थकों ने इस बयान का स्वागत किया है। भाजपा प्रवक्ता शहजाद पूनावाला और अमित मालवीय ने इसे एक ऐतिहासिक राजनीतिक सच्चाई का स्वीकार बताया है। उन्होंने कहा कि पीएम मोदी और प्रणब मुखर्जी के बीच वैचारिक मतभेदों के बावजूद हमेशा आपसी सम्मान और गहरा रिश्ता रहा। जबकि कांग्रेस पार्टी ने शर्मिष्ठा मुखर्जी के इस लेख पर तीखी प्रतिक्रिया दी है। कांग्रेस प्रवक्ताओं का आरोप है कि शर्मिष्ठा अपने पिता के नाम का इस्तेमाल करके भाजपा के एजेंडे को बढ़ावा दे रही हैं और अपने ही पिता की कांग्रेसी विरासत का अपमान कर रही हैं।

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During the flight, both leaders were seen exchanging cordial handshakes and engaging in light conversations. The presence of Aaditya Thackeray, a senior leader in Shiv Sena (UBT), seated next to Uddhav, along with MP Sanjay Raut, who was positioned behind Fadnavis, added further political context to the encounter. The presence of other party leaders on board heightened interest in their discussions.

The unexpected meeting gave rise to various speculations regarding its implications amid the ongoing political realignments in the state. Observers noted that the timing of the encounter could contribute to interpretations concerning the weakening of Uddhav Thackeray’s faction. However, representatives from both political camps have played down the significance of the meeting, labelling it as a mere coincidence, characterised as a routine exchange of professional courtesy.

Fadnavis’s Official Engagements in Nagpur

Chief Minister Fadnavis was travelling to Nagpur, which is both his hometown and his constituency, to attend to a series of pre-arranged official and party activities. These engagements reflect his ongoing commitment to local governance and constituency matters. His arrival was aimed at addressing constituents and fulfilling essential political responsibilities in the region.

Meanwhile, Uddhav Thackeray’s trip to Nagpur is part of a larger three-day tour in the Vidarbha and Marathwada regions. This tour aims to strengthen the connection between the Shiv Sena (UBT) leadership and the party’s base, particularly after recent defections. Thackeray is scheduled to meet with party workers and hold public meetings in Lok Sabha constituencies represented by the six MPs who recently migrated to the Shinde faction.

This tour has been characterised as an effort to clarify the party’s stance in light of recent events. Thackeray’s itinerary aims to engage party workers, discuss concerns, and bolster morale amid ongoing political challenges facing the Shiv Sena (UBT).

Shiv Sena (UBT) Leadership’s Response

Earlier on the same day, Sanjay Raut, MP from Shiv Sena (UBT), affirmed the party’s resilience despite the recent challenges. He expressed unwavering confidence in Aaditya Thackeray’s leadership capabilities, asserting that the younger generation needs to undertake greater responsibilities within the organisation. Raut’s remarks underline the party’s commitment to maintaining a strong leadership structure during turbulent times.

Raut further commented on the situation regarding the defecting MPs, accusing them of switching sides for personal gains, including “money, power and protection.” He stated that these individuals should not be classified as “rebels,” a term he believes should be reserved for historical freedom fighters rather than politicians seeking better opportunities elsewhere. This statement reflects the party’s efforts to rally support and maintain its identity in a shifting political landscape.

The developments underline the complex nature of Maharashtra politics, particularly as different factions within Shiv Sena navigate their challenges. The trip taken by both political leaders adds another layer to the ongoing political saga in the state.

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महाराष्ट्र की राजनीति में चल रहे ‘ऑपरेशन टाइगर’ के बीच मुख्यमंत्री एकनाथ शिंदे गुट के मंत्री उदय सामंत ने स्पष्ट किया है कि शिवसेना (शिंदे गुट) की तरफ से कोई जबरन ऑपरेशन नहीं चलाया जा रहा है, बल्कि अगर उद्धव ठाकरे गुट (शिवसेना UBT) के विधायक खुद उनके साथ आना चाहते हैं, तो उनका खुले दिल से स्वागत किया जाएगा।

बागी विधायकों का स्वागत करेंगे

महाराष्ट्र की सियासत में हलचल तेज हो गई है, जब शिवसेना (उद्धव ठाकरे) से जुड़े विधायक एकनाथ शिंदे के नेतृत्व वाली शिवसेना में शामिल होने के संकेत दे रहे हैं। मंत्री उदय सामंत ने इस पर अपनी प्रतिक्रिया देते हुए कहा कि हम उनका स्वागत करेंगे। उन्होंने कहा, “उपमुख्यमंत्री एकनाथ शिंदे का नेतृत्व आगे जाकर विधायकों को ताकत दे सकता है।” सामंत का यह बयान तब आया जब उद्धव के कई विधायक बागी तेवर के साथ सामने आए हैं।

उदय सामंत का बयान और रणनीति

उदय सामंत ने मीडिया से बातचीत में साफ किया कि वे किसी भी विधायक पर दबाव नहीं डाल रहे हैं। ठाकरे गुट के जो भी विधायक अपनी मर्जी से शिंदे गुट के विकास कार्यों से जुड़ना चाहते हैं, उनका पार्टी में स्वागत है। उन्होंने सोशल मीडिया और मीडिया के जरिए संकेत दिया है कि लोकसभा सांसदों के बाद अब अगला नंबर महानगरपालिका (BMC) और विधायकों का है।

ऑपरेशन टाइगर की चर्चा

राज्य की सियासत में ऑपरेशन टाइगर की चर्चा लंबे समय से चल रही है। पिछले दिनों शिवसेना के छह सांसद पाला बदलकर शिंदे गुट में शामिल हो गए। अब खबरें आ रही हैं कि ठाकरे के 20 विधायकों में से कम से कम 14 भी पार्टी छोड़ सकते हैं। इससे उद्धव ठाकरे की स्थिति और कमजोर होने की संभावना है। मंत्री सामंत ने इस पर कहा कि हमारा कोई ऑपरेशन नहीं चल रहा है।

विजय वडेट्टीवार का संभावित पाला बदलना

विजय वडेट्टीवार के नाम की भी चर्चा चल रही है कि वे भी शिंदे गुट में शामिल हो सकते हैं। इस पर सामंत ने कहा कि यह केवल चर्चा है और किसी प्रकार की पुष्टि नहीं की गई है। उन्होंने कहा, “हम सभी विधायकों का स्वागत करेंगे, जो हमारे साथ शामिल होना चाहते हैं।”

UBT की आपातकालीन बैठक

बगावत की आहट को देखते हुए शिवसेना (UBT) प्रमुख उद्धव ठाकरे ने विधायकों की आपात बैठक बुलाई थी, जिसमें से 4 विधायक नदारद रहे, जिससे राजनीतिक अटकलों को और बल मिला है। इस पूरे घटनाक्रम पर शिवसेना (UBT) नेता आदित्य ठाकरे और अन्य विपक्षी नेताओं ने तीखी प्रतिक्रिया देते हुए इसे लोकतांत्रिक मूल्यों की हत्या और दबाव की राजनीति करार दिया है।

संजय पाटिल का माफी मुद्दा

शिवसेना सांसद संजय पाटिल ने हाल ही में एक पत्रकारों के साथ विवाद के बाद सार्वजनिक रूप से माफी मांगी। इस पर सामंत ने कहा कि पाटिल बहुत दिलदार इंसान हैं और वे हमेशा से अलग व्यक्तित्व के रहे हैं। सामंत ने इस मुद्दे को समाप्त करने की अपील की।

राम मंदिर का मामला और उद्धव का दौरा

इस बीच, संजय राउत ने ट्वीट कर जानकारी दी कि राम मंदिर के लिए पार्टी ने करोड़ों रुपए दान किए थे। अब इस मामले में SIT की जांच चल रही है। उन्होंने कहा कि आगे जाकर दोषियों पर कार्रवाई होगी। इसी बीच, उद्धव ठाकरे बागी सांसदों के क्षेत्रों का दौरा करने की योजना बना रहे हैं, जिस पर मंत्री उदय सामंत ने शुभकामनाएं दी हैं।

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The rules are simple.

Whenever a road collapses, a bridge falls, a child drowns in a waterlogged street, a hospital runs out of oxygen, or a scam surfaces with more zeros than a mathematics textbook, a certain section of the population springs into action. Not to demand answers. Not to hold anyone responsible. But to explain, with great passion and even greater creativity, why actually this is fine. Why actually you are the problem. Why actually asking questions is anti-national, anti-Hindu, anti-development, anti-cow, or simply the work of a foreign-funded cabal that has targeted this particular pothole for geopolitical destabilisation.

Welcome to the psychological condition that no DSM edition has yet named but probably should: Compensatory Civic Servility, with acute symptoms of Whataboutery and chronic Loyalty Blindness.

Let us be very clear about what we are not discussing here. We are not discussing critics of India. We are not discussing those who wish the country ill. We are discussing a very specific, very devoted group of citizens who love India so intensely that they have decided the best way to express that love is to ensure that nobody ever improves it.

The Psychology of the True Believer

In 1951, the longshoreman philosopher Eric Hoffer wrote a book called ‘The True Believer’, which described how mass movements transform ordinary, frustrated individuals into passionate, unthinking loyalists. Hoffer observed that people who feel a deep sense of personal inadequacy, stalled ambition, or social irrelevance are the most enthusiastic recruits for mass movements, not because the movement gives them answers, but because it gives them identity. They stop being Nobody from Nagpur and become Soldier of the Civilisation.

This is not an insult. It is a clinical description of a documented human need. Psychologist Henri Tajfel’s “Social Identity Theory” tells us that people derive a significant part of their self-worth from the groups they belong to. When the group is threatened, even by legitimate criticism, the individual experiences it as a personal attack on their own identity. Criticise the administration’s handling of flood relief, and you are not criticising an administration. You are attacking the person sitting in Pune who spent six months reposting temple consecration videos and now feels personally implicated in the quality of your drains.

This is why the pothole is never just a pothole.

The pothole is a test of loyalty. The bridge that collapsed is a conspiracy. The children who died of encephalitis in a public hospital in 2017, 63 of them in a single month in Gorakhpur, were, according to the internet’s finest constitutional experts, either a fabrication by the opposition press or somehow the fault of the party that had been out of power for years. When the data became undeniable, the explanation shifted: these things happen everywhere, what about what happened before, do you even know what encephalitis is, stop being negative about India.

Psychologists call this “Motivated Reasoning”. You do not evaluate evidence and then form a conclusion. You have a conclusion first, and then you cherry-pick, dismiss, or reconstruct evidence to support it. It is the brain doing what it has evolved to do, protect the tribe, protect the self-image, protect the belief system. The problem is that this evolutionary feature, useful when the threat was a lion, becomes disastrous when the threat is a collapsed sewer.

The Sociology of Manufactured Consent

Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, writing from a prison cell nearly a century ago, described how ruling classes maintain power not through brute force alone but through cultural hegemony: the ability to make the values, worldview, and interests of the powerful seem like the natural, common-sense values of everyone. You do not need to threaten people into compliance if they have already internalised the idea that questioning power is itself a form of deviance.

In India today, this machinery runs with remarkable efficiency. A citizen who asks why his state government has not built a functional public hospital in 15 years is not seen as a taxpayer exercising democratic rights. He is seen as someone who hates Hindus. The category substitution is so seamless that most people do not even notice it has happened. Governance accountability has been successfully rebranded as cultural betrayal. And the rebranding was not accidental.

Sociologist Emile Durkheim wrote about how societies create rituals and symbols that generate “collective effervescence”, a shared emotional high that bonds individuals to the group. Modern political rallies, stadium-sized prayer gatherings broadcast on every channel, the theatrical unveiling of large statues, the carefully choreographed emotional moments, these are not merely cultural events. They are social technologies for manufacturing belonging and bypassing the critical faculties. After enough effervescence, it becomes genuinely difficult for the bonded individual to separate affection for civilisation from affection for the people currently running it.

India’s infrastructure crisis is not a secret. The government’s own data documents it. A 2023 report by the National Sample Survey Office found that less than 20% of rural Indian households have piped water that actually functions throughout the year. The Economic Survey 2023-24 acknowledged that India’s public health expenditure, at approximately 1.9% of GDP, remains among the lowest in the world, lower than Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Bangladesh. The Global Hunger Index 2023 placed India at 111th out of 125 countries, a ranking that was greeted with tremendous official outrage at the methodology and zero official curiosity about the children.

In response to these facts, the Pothole Patriots produced a rich body of counter-literature explaining why statistics are a colonial tool, why the researchers are anti-India, and why the real hunger in this country is for national pride, which is available in abundant supply.

What Our Ancestors Actually Said

Here is where things get genuinely painful, because the tradition being invoked to silence dissent is precisely the tradition that mandated dissent most forcefully.

The Vedic intellectual tradition was, at its core, a culture of rigorous questioning. The Upanishads are not hymns of passive devotion. They are records of fierce philosophical debates, between teacher and student, between competing schools, between the individual and the cosmos. Nachiketa, the young boy in the Katha Upanishad, does not meekly accept what he is told. He argues with Yama, the god of death, refusing three alternate gifts until he gets the answer he came for. The tradition celebrated this. It did not cancel Nachiketa for anti-death-god sentiment.

The Nyaya school of Indian philosophy built an entire epistemological system around pramana, or valid means of knowledge, of which pratyaksha (direct perception) was primary. In other words, what you can directly see and verify takes epistemic priority. Not what the authority says. Not what the majority believes. What is actually, verifiably, observably true.

The Lokayata, or Charvaka school, went further. It explicitly rejected the authority of scripture and tradition in matters that could be evaluated empirically. This was considered a valid philosophical position, worthy of serious engagement, not a fringe conspiracy theory to be mass-reported to the platform moderators.

The great debates at Mithila, the philosophical tournaments at ancient universities, the Shastrartha tradition where scholars publicly challenged each other on every question from metaphysics to political governance, this was a civilisation that did not merely tolerate intellectual confrontation. It institutionalised it. It was how it sharpened its thinking and corrected its errors.

The people who claim today to defend this civilisation against its critics have managed the remarkable feat of preserving the rituals while demolishing the epistemology. They have kept the lamps and the mantras and the sacred geography. They have discarded, with suspicious thoroughness, the part that said: question everything, verify everything, do not accept authority without evidence.

The Whatabout Olympics

India’s “Corruption Perception Index” [ranking] has fluctuated between 85th and 100th in the world consistently across the last decade, per Transparency International’s annual data. The 2024 ranking placed India at 93rd out of 180 countries. This is not a stellar performance for a country that has been loudly promising to eradicate corruption at approximately every election since 1947.

But bring this up in any online forum and you will witness the most dazzling display of logical acrobatics this side of a Cirque du Soleil production. What about 1984? What about the Emergency? What about the Commonwealth Games? What about Italy? What about China? What about the British?

Whataboutery is not a debating technique. It is a cognitive escape route. Psychologists call it Tu Quoque, the “you also” fallacy, and it has been documented since the ancient Greeks as a method of deflecting accountability by pointing to someone else’s failures. It is the rhetorical equivalent of explaining that your house is not actually on fire because your neighbour’s house burned down in 2004.

The remarkable innovation of contemporary Indian political discourse is that Whataboutery has been elevated from a logical fallacy to something approaching a patriotic duty. If you are not comparing the current situation to a worse situation from decades ago, you are not being fair. If you are not reminding people that someone else was also bad once, you are being politically motivated. The bar for adequate governance has been set so low that it can only be cleared by pointing backwards.

The Divine Mandate Problem

There is also the matter of God. Or rather, the matter of using God as a governance consultant.

Multiple surveys, including the Pew Research Centre’s 2021 survey on religion in India, confirm that approximately 97% of Indians believe in God. This is a beautiful fact about a spiritually alive civilisation. It becomes a somewhat less beautiful fact when it is converted into a mechanism for immunising political power from evaluation.

When a leader’s authority is framed in civilisational and quasi-divine terms, when temples are inaugurated with a pomp that exceeds the inauguration of hospitals, when political rallies are conducted with the aesthetic grammar of religious gatherings, the effect on the critical mind is predictable and documented.

Solomon Asch’s conformity experiments in the 1950s demonstrated that people will deny the evidence of their own eyes rather than dissent from a confident group consensus. Stanley Milgram’s obedience experiments showed that ordinary people will comply with authority figures even when compliance causes harm, especially when that authority is framed as legitimate and morally elevated.

What happens when the authority figure is not merely legitimate but cosmically endorsed? When dissent is not merely disagreeable but potentially sacrilegious? The compliance is total. The potholes are God’s will. The corruption is a test of faith. The dead children were destined.

A 2022 Lokniti-CSDS survey found that a significant proportion of Indians, over 55% in some categories, trusted the national government to do the right thing “almost always” or “most of the time.” This trust level has remained remarkably stable despite infrastructure failures, economic distress, and declining institutional credibility across multiple indicators. Social psychologists call this “Institutional Halo Effect”. When you deeply believe that the source of authority is fundamentally good, you unconsciously adjust your perception of its specific actions to fit that prior belief.

The government is good. The government built the new airport. The government did the surgery on the economy that was necessary. Therefore, the collapsed bridge was an anomaly, the hospital deaths were exceptional, the unemployment data is fabricated by enemies, and the pothole was dug by the opposition.

The Manufactured Pride Economy

India’s nominal GDP crossed 3.7 trillion dollars in 2024, making it the fifth-largest economy in the world. This is a genuine achievement of Indian enterprise, Indian labour, and Indian resilience across several decades. It is not, however, equally distributed. The Oxfam India Wealth Report 2024 found that the top 1% of Indians hold 40.1% of the nation’s total wealth, while the bottom 50% hold 6.4%. India’s billionaire wealth has more than doubled since the pandemic. Simultaneously, the National Family Health Survey data from 2019-21 shows that 35.5% of Indian children under five are stunted due to malnutrition.

These two facts can coexist. A country can be simultaneously richer and more unequal. An economy can grow while many of its people do not grow with it. These are not contradictions. They are documented patterns of unequal development that economists across the political spectrum have studied and named.

In the current cultural climate, however, mentioning the second fact is treated as a personal attack on the first. You cannot note that children are malnourished without being accused of hating GDP. You cannot observe that 90% of India’s workforce is in the informal sector with no social security without being suspected of wanting the country to fail. Pride in the nation’s achievements has been systematically conflated with blindness to its failures, and anyone who refuses to be blind is labelled an enemy.

This is not pride. Pride that cannot survive the inspection of its object is not pride. It is fragility dressed with hyper-jingoism!

The Way Back

None of this is about which party is in power. Variations of this social pathology have appeared across Indian political history, in different colours, different language, different uniforms. The disease predates the current patient. What is unusual about the present moment is its scale, its digital amplification, and its systematic nature.

What Vedic civilisation understood, at its most rigorous, is that the examined society is the only society worth living in. The Arthashastra, Kautilya’s fourth-century BCE treatise on governance, explicitly states that a king’s dharma includes tolerating the criticism of his subjects, creating systems for hearing public grievance, and measuring his success not by military glory but by the welfare of his people. “In the happiness of his subjects lies the king’s happiness,” Kautilya wrote, “in their welfare, his welfare.”

There is no version of Indian civilisational tradition that says: defend the ruler. Protect the administration from accountability. Silence those who point at the broken road.

That tradition does not come from Nalanda. It does not come from Taxila. It does not come from the Upanishads, the Arthashastra, the Nyaya sutras, or a single darshana of the classical period.

It comes from fear. And fear, as every tradition we claim to honour has noted, is the beginning of the end of wisdom.

The pothole will still be there tomorrow. The question is whether, tomorrow, you will call the corporation and demand it be fixed, or whether you will open your phone and explain why the pothole is actually a symbol of civilisational resilience.

One of those actions is Indian. The other is just exhausting.

Views of the author are personal and do not necessarily represent the website’s views.

Dr. Jaimine Vaishnav is a faculty of geopolitics and world economy and other liberal arts subjects, a researcher with publications in SCI and ABDC journals, and an author of 6 books specializing in informal economies, mass media, and street entrepreneurship. With over a decade of experience as an academic and options trader, he is keen on bridging the grassroots business practices with global economic thought. His work emphasizes resilience, innovation, and human action in everyday human life. He can be contacted on jaiminism@hotmail.co.in for further communication.

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Banerjee began her address by expressing solidarity with her workers, highlighting that the political landscape is currently filled with fear and economic hardship. “People are driven to suicide; job losses are rampant, and hawkers’ stalls are being dismantled,” she stated, shedding light on the dire circumstances many are experiencing.

She asserted that a united Trinamool Congress is crucial to countering these crises, which she attributed to BJP policies. Banerjee insisted that the party’s resilience is rooted in the sacrifices and struggles of its grassroots members, implying that these individuals have laid the foundation for the party’s success.

Criticism of Leaders Who Defected

Banerjee offered a stern critique of party leaders who have switched allegiances, suggesting that their actions stem from a desire to safeguard themselves amidst legal issues. She stated, “Those who turn their backs on us do so out of fear. It is an act of betrayal that cannot be forgiven.” Her characterisation of defectors highlighted her disappointment in their inability to demonstrate loyalty during challenging times.

The TMC chief questioned the motivations behind the departures, asking whether these leaders claim to be ‘saving workers’ while they themselves cannot enter their localities. “Are they protecting the workers or merely their own interests?” she asked, implying that such actions have adverse effects on party unity.

In her address, Banerjee underscored the significance of party workers in cultivating leadership, indicating that the collective effort of these individuals has been vital in the struggle against the opposition. She lamented that those who exploit the party for personal gain were failing to uphold the values that had brought them success.

Concerns Over Law Enforcement and Freedom of Expression

Banerjee also focused on the role of law enforcement and media in the current political climate. She expressed her concerns, stating, “What we see today is not the police force I recognise,” highlighting her criticism of policing tactics that she perceives as increasingly authoritarian. She directly addressed the suppression of voices on digital platforms, asserting that those speaking against the ruling party face unjust repercussions.

She noted that many individuals are being arrested for their digital expressions and questioned the legitimacy of denying people the right to assemble or express dissent. Her remarks reflect a broader concern regarding civil liberties in the context of growing tensions between the TMC and BJP.

In her personal commentary, Banerjee recounted her own familial divisions over issues of loyalty and betrayal, drawing parallels to her current political struggles within the party. She reassured her party members that she remains committed to their cause, noting the repeated challenges faced by her nephew, Abhishek Banerjee, from various law enforcement agencies.

Concluding her address, she made a call for solidarity ahead of the TMC’s Martyrs’ Day rally on July 21, emphasising the need for communal strength in the aftermath of adversities. Despite logistical challenges, she reaffirmed her determination to gather party members to commemorate their struggles, encouraging them to remain united in the quest for justice and representation.

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The accusations surfaced after Chief Minister Adhikari informed the Assembly that the signed building plan was attributed to Hakim, who is a senior leader of the Trinamool Congress (TMC). In his response to these claims, Hakim emphasised that mayors do not directly sign or oversee building plans, reiterating, “No Mayor does this.” His comments aimed to delineate the responsibilities associated with the position and to clarify his lack of involvement.

Reactions from TMC and Construction Suspension

Reacting to the situation, TMC MLA Kunal Ghosh voiced full support for the Chief Minister’s position, insisting that if only a handful of individuals face arrest while those in higher positions evade accountability, such measures would be ineffective. He challenged authorities to act transparently, stated, “If the building plan bears the former Mayor’s signature, then arrest him. Do not use such documents merely for political leverage.”

In light of the tragic collapse, the Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC) has issued a public announcement suspending all construction activities within its jurisdiction until July 31, 2026, or until further notice. The KMC’s directive is a precautionary measure, aiming to prevent any further incidents in light of the recent disaster that caused considerable loss of life and ongoing risks to those involved in rescue efforts.

The KMC notice elaborated on the need for this suspension, citing the emergency situation arising from the collapse of the under-construction building, which trapped labourers and necessitated an extensive rescue operation. The notice aimed to ensure public safety and mitigate further risks to individuals in construction zones.

Ongoing Investigations and Arrests

Authorities continue to conduct rescue operations at the collapse site while assessing the severity of damage and evaluating safety concerns. Kolkata’s Additional Commissioner of Police (Crime), Kunal Agrawal, announced that five individuals have been taken into custody as part of the investigation linked to the warehouse collapse. Agrawal indicated that a Special Investigation Team (SIT), in cooperation with the Detective Department (DD), is overseeing the inquiries.

The police have filed a suo motu FIR against five people and others connected to the case. Among those named in the FIR, four individuals have been arrested, while an additional suspect, not mentioned in the initial report, has also been apprehended. These arrests underscore the authorities’ commitment to investigating the circumstances surrounding the incident comprehensively.

As investigations proceed, the focus remains on ensuring accountability while providing assistance to those affected by the collapse. The unfolding events reflect the seriousness with which local authorities are treating the incident and the commitment to addressing safety regulations in construction practices.

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The arrest took place in Kaliachak, where Sheikh’s long-standing influence had reportedly instilled a climate of fear among the local populace. Many residents had refrained from reporting his alleged wrongdoings, indicating the extent of his supposed control over the area.

Following his apprehension, police arranged for a public display wherein Sheikh was escorted through local streets amidst substantial security. This unusual move is seen as part of a broader effort by authorities to tackle criminal networks operating within the state.

Public Reaction and Local Context

Residents of Kaliachak expressed a mix of relief and fear as police conducted the public march with Sheikh. This display was intended to show the community that action had been taken against a figure they believed had long evaded accountability. Witnesses observed him walking with his hands folded, while a rope secured around his waist was meant to ensure control during the escort.

Locals have long associated Bakul Sheikh with intimidation and pretext for violence, alleging that entire families have fled the area due to his reputed criminal activities. The public procession was reportedly met with a notable gathering of spectators, manifesting a significant level of interest and perhaps a glimmer of hope for a safer community.

Police activity in the region has heightened recently, as the administration intensifies efforts to combat criminal networks and apprehend fugitives. Sheikh’s arrest and subsequent parade seem to signify a shift in the police’s strategy, aiming to demonstrate authority and a commitment to restoring order.

Law Enforcement Response and Future Implications

The local police, bolstered by the presence of security personnel, maintained tight control during the public display, ensuring that both Sheikh and the surrounding community remained secure throughout the operation. Various reports highlighted significant police deployment, reinforcing their effort to alleviate longstanding fears in the area.

Despite the operation’s perceived success, Malda District Superintendent of Police Anupam Singh was not available to comment on the event or the implications of Sheikh’s arrest. This lack of insight may leave residents and observers questioning the enduring strategies that law enforcement will implement going forward.

With the community caught in the balance, the outcomes following Sheikh’s arrest may lead to further discussions around safety and policing in Malda. The actions by police appear to symbolise a stronger stance against criminal elements, although the true impact of these efforts will likely unfold over the coming weeks and months as residents adjust to the changes in their environment.

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